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African Union set to bring continent closer to long standing goal of a common market

African leaders have buried the 38- year old Organization of African Unity (OAU) with honours at July’s Summit in Lusaka, which has seen the birth of a transformed, stronger African Union (AU), modelled along the lines of other regional groupings in the Americas, Asia and Europe.
   The summit elected former Ivorian Foreign Minister Amara Essy as the new secretary-general, replacing Tanzanian Salim Ahmed Salim whose third term as head of the OAU effectively ends in September. Zambian President Frederick Chiluba takes over as the new chair of the AU until the next summit. OAU headquarters will remain in Addis Ababa. 
   In a bid to achieve economic development and move the continent into the mainstream of global economics, the summit merged the South African-led Millennium Africa Recovery Plan (MAP) with Senegal’s proposal, code-named Omega, into one blueprint called “A New African Initiative”. 
   “These are initiatives intended to forge Africa ahead in its socio-economic recovery,” said Chiluba who added that the important decisions made needed to be implemented without delay.
   “Africa does not have the luxury of time. We are living in an era where change takes place… in milliseconds,” he said.


Incoming Secretary-general, Amara Essy

   The AU will provide a more powerful executive council, an elected parliament and, perhaps more importantly, an African central bank, a court of justice and concrete institutions which should ensure that the often touted African economic community, finally takes hold. 
   The Lagos Plan of Action of 1980, and the subsequent Abuja Treaty of 1991, envisaged the creation of an African Economic Community, built on existing and emerging regional trading blocs such as SADC, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOW-AS) and the Common Market of East and Southern Africa (COMESA).
   Despite the obvious optimism in Lusaka, the creation of the AU faces a long road to successful implementation. The proposed parliament may be weak initially, but the fact that it will be voted in by national legislatures will present an element of representation the OAU never had. The strength of this continental parliament will come from the pressure of increasingly vocal African NGOs and civil societies.   There is much enthusiasm and excitement about the new treaty but
 

 there have been some misgivings – many were wary that Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the initiator and main funder of the AU, will try to be an overly-dominant force. Gaddafi is alleged to be looking for new allies since his failed Pan-Arabist bid some years ago and, said some delegates at the final meeting of the OAU, the speed at which he was pushing African unity raises this suspicion.

Outgoing Secretary-general, Salim Ahmed
  Others were skeptical that African countries would fail to agree to economic and political convergence, giving examples of current economic groupings, which have a difficult history of economic harmonization. 
   Then there is the more common argument that the problems which dogged the OAU would simply be transferred to the AU.


Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi is the initiator and main funder of the African Union
   Outgoing OAU Secretary-General Salim thinks not. Trying hard to downplay his sense of frustration at member


... the AU would facilitate stronger regional groupings. It will provide a more aggressive lobbying and advocacy platform carrying the voice of the entire continent.

states’ apparent indifference to the OAU during his tenure, he said in Lusaka that if the OAU had simply faded away, it would have been a sad ending. Salim said that like the failed League of Nations which was set up after World War I, and was replaced by the United Nations after World war II, so the OAU needed “to be updated.” 
   The OAU was founded in 1963, to become the most comprehensive of all the political organizations in Africa. It was the result of independent founding fathers putting their Pan- Africanist ideas into reality. It had the double goal of successfully finishing the liberation struggles and uniting Africa. It was successful in the anti colonial struggles but constantly battled with its unification agenda.  According to Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, secretary- general of the Pan-African Movement in Uganda, there were many reasons for these problems. Firstly the charter was a compromise between the desires of  the radical Casablanca states led by the late presidents Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Gamel Abdul Nasser of Egypt (both of whom wanted an immediate continental political union) , and the

 moderate, conservative alliance represented by the Monrovia and Libreville group of states, who found a credible spokesperson in the late Tanzanian leader, Julius Nyerere.
   Although Nyerere was not a conservative, he was opposed to Nkrumah’s fast track policy and instead argued for “func-tional unity” – economic unity before political union. 
   Another restriction on the OAU was the inviolable edict that colo-nial borders needed to be absolutely respected because of the fear of inter- state wars. This policy tied the OAU’s hands and actually caused it to appear a casual observer of African conflicts. 
   The UN did not have such inhibitions and made an issue of peacekeeping – albeit often concentrating its efforts on western conflicts. Ironically, African countries themselves responded timely and overwhelmingly to UN demands to instil peace in countries outside Africa. 
   The Cold War and the emergence of neo-colonialism also limited the OAU’s room for manoeuvre. What mattered then was whether regimes were pro-East or pro-West, not their Pan- Africanist credentials. Many of these issues have since fallen away and there is a lot more optimism that the AU will pick up where the OAU has left off, but whether its powers and functions will surpass those of the OAU remains to be seen. 
   Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi said defining the authority of the AU and absorbing all its regional groupings had to be handled delicately to avoid unnecessary confusion and rendering the AU “useless”. 
   Moi told delegates to the COMESA Free Trade Area launch in October 2000 that the AU should draw lessons from older organizations like the EU and apply their experiences to avoid the same pitfalls. “The pace of globalization will not wait for Africa, we need to gallop ahead,” he said. 


UN Secretary-general Kofi Annan Delivers a speech at the Lusaka Summit

   His words resonated with Erastus Mwencha, COMESA chief Executive, who said the AU would facilitate stronger regional groupings. “It will provide a more aggressive lobbying and advocacy platform carrying the voice of the entire continent,” he told journalists recently. Mwencha sees a great boom in trade between countries and dissolution of red tape in immigration and trade laws. 
   He said economic integration and co-operation would become more of a reality because “what is needed is to pull the continent out of its quagmire. 
   “Not that Salim was doing a bad job at the OAU, he did well given the limitations of member States, but I think our focus has changed and we need a fresh impetus to get Africa into the economic powerhouse it can become.”

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