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Summary


 

 

Most of women's work is
unpaid, and their share
of household income and
decisions are not in
proportion to their labour.

 

 

Key gender issues
that impact on the
environment are related
to access to and
ownership of resources.
Studies indicate that while
women carry a heavier
load in production and
reproduction, they do not
enjoy similar rights in
terms of access to
resources.

 

 

Women remain largely
absent at all levels of
policy formulation and
decision-making in
natural resource
and environmental
management,
conservation, protection
and rehabilitation.
State of The Environment
Zambezi Basin
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GENDER

The cultural attributes of a community have a very strong influence on societal gender relations. Culture and tradition have fashioned out society in such a way that there is a very strong relation between the type of work, rights and access, and gender. With regards to the way gender issues are treated, there is not much cultural diversity among the tribes who reside in the basin. All cultures within the Zambezi Basin place women in a subordinate position.

Roles of women and men in the basin

In general, men's traditional role in society is to be the breadwinner and defender of the family against any danger. While both men and women participate in the economic spheres, women are assigned additional obligations, which fall within their domestic domain such as food preparation, and productive and reproductive roles. As society develops, women's roles shift to suit both the household social needs, but still within the traditional division of labour. Regarding women's tasks, most of them are performed in and around the home, making them homebound.

Division of labour

Substantial evidence is available documenting the existing unequal division of labour between women and men in the basin. In rural Tanzania, for example, women work more than 14 hours a day compared with men's 10 hours. Declining resource availability and very high rates of male out-migration from the rural areas in search of employment have increased labour demands on women.

In Zimbabwe, men's work usually has seasonal peaks (ploughing and cattle herding) or is done once in many years (constructing housing and granaries). This gives men an ability to take seasonal or permanent employment elsewhere. By contrast, some of the women's tasks may be seasonal, for example, weeding and harvesting, but social reproductive tasks are daily chores. These are not transferable to men due to cultural practice.

The gender statistics in the Zambezi Basin reveal that:

  • Women constitute a majority of the population, up to 65 percent, as most men have migrated to urban centres some of which are outside the basin, in search of employment.
  • Women constitute a larger number of the poor.
  • Women are rural based to a larger extent than men, and remain on the periphery of human development and governance.
  • Women have access to a lower educational level than men.
  • Women work longer hours than men.
  • Most of women's work is unpaid, and their share of household income and decisions are not in proportion to their labour.

Key gender issues that impact on the environment are related to access to and ownership of resources. Studies indicate that while women carry a heavier load in production and reproduction, they do not enjoy similar rights in terms of access to resources. Within a community, rights and access to resources are also often organised through kinship, gender-based division of labour and type of production. Men commonly have rights to resources such as land, water, and fisheries. They even have rights to control and allocate certain amounts of women's and children's labour to crops for which men have overall control and retain revenue. Women generally do not have rights to most of the natural resources and do not have such rights over men's labour. In natural resources management, men commonly have full disposal rights while women have use rights.

Throughout the region, the pattern is that women have less access to the means of production such as land, and support services such as credit. In Zambia, for example, 90 percent of the land available for agriculture falls under traditional land controlled by chiefs who follow patriarchal principles in its allocation. Women have no direct access to land in this situation.

Under Tswana Customary law, women's access to land in Botswana is secondarythrough men. Although everyone should have equal access to land, in reality, access is differentiated by gender. Unmarried and divorced women are among the poorest households without access to productive land because of lack of means to use the land. In the rural villages, women are often refused allocation in their own right and advised to apply for land through their husbands who have marital power over household assets.

Food insecurity and malnutrition in most of rural Africa can partly be attributed to lack of access and control over land by women. Closely related to the issue of land is livestock ownership. Men generally own more cattle than women throughout the Zambezi Basin. In Botswana, for example, of the total national herd, women own only 14 percent. This marginalisation from cattle ownership of women not only reflects female poverty, but also means that those that have land but no access to cattle have no access to draught power for ploughing. They end up ploughing late, ploughing fewer hectares and getting lower yields. This has a bearing on household food security.

Water and sanitation

Access to safe water supplies and sanitation in the region is generally limited. Over 50 percent of the people in the SADC-region have no access to sanitation and over 40 percent are without access to safe drinking water. Due to water scarcity in many riparian countries, women, particularly those in rural areas, are forced to walk long distances to fetch water. According to a World Bank estimate, some African women use 40 percent of their daily nutritional intake travelling to collect water.

Another survey, carried out by UNICEF in rural areas of Namibia, found that female-headed households are 20 minutes farther away from water sources in the dry season compared to the wet season. While estimates vary in the various countries, in Zambia, for example, access to protected water sources in the rural and peri-urban areas range between 25-60 percent. Access to sanitation ranges between 40-50 percent in rural and peri-urban areas.
Due to environmental degradation and deforestation, women in the region now spend more time looking for fuelwood, water and food, and have less time to cook, forcing them to cut back on the number of cooked meals and their nutritional value. In Mozambique, women spend 15.3 hours during the dry season and 2.9 hours during the wet season, each week drawing and carrying water. In Malawi, a study indicates that each household spends five percent of all days and all nights in a year collecting water.

Energy

Fuelwood is used for domestic purposes such as cooking and heating. It is also used in crop processing, beer brewing, making pottery, fish-smoking, brick-burning and in other small-scale rural based industries. The intensive use of fuelwood is contributing to serious environmental degradation, due to deforestation and ultimately soil erosion and poor soil fertility. But contrary to some beliefs, women are more of victims than perpetrators of deforestation because generally they obtain fuelwood from branches and deadwood, not from cutting live trees.

The rate of deforestation was about 0.7 percent during the period 1990-95 in the SADC-region. At present rates of deforestation, one-third of the SADC forests will disappear by the middle of 21st century. Since collecting fuelwood is mainly a woman's task, she is most affected by fuel scarcity. In Malawi, for example, were forests are disappearing at the rate of 3.5 percent per year, women spend six to nine hours per week collecting fuelwood for household use.

Tackling gender inequalities Legal aspects

Efforts have over the years been made to advance women's status as well as to protect and safeguard human rights in the basin. At the regional level, heads of state and government from the southern African region have committed themselves to protecting and promoting human rights of women and children by adopting the Gender and Development Declaration in September 1997.

Gender has been incorporated into the SADC agenda and a gender unit has been established within the SADC Secretariat in Gaborone. Some SADC sectors have also developed sectoral gender policies. The SADC Environment and Land Management Sector (ELMS) has an elaborate gender policy and the SADC Water Sector Coordination Unit (WSCU) is working on a programme to empower women and improve their participation in the sector. At the national level, all countries in the basin have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The CEDAW, dubbed as the global constitution for women, provides a basis for realising equality between women and men.

In Mozambique, the constitution guarantees, all citizens the right to live in a balanced natural environment and the duty to defend it. The government also passed an Environmental Law, in 1997 that aims to achieve the country's sustainable development, and places special emphasis on the role of women in environmental management.

A section of the Malawi National Environmental Policy calls for integration of gender, youth and children concerns in environmental planning and decisions at all levels to ensure sustainable social and economic development. The efforts to address gender and mainstream it in all aspects of development received a boost by the endorsement of gender equality at the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, China, 1995 (also known as the Beijing Conference). This endorsement is seen as one of the most radical changes that have taken place in recent years.

Challenges
Legal and policy aspects

Despite the legal reforms that are in place, women in the basin still suffer gender discrimination and violations of their rights. It is usually assumed by legislators that the law affects women and men equally, but the reality is different. Many women in the basin do not exercise the rights that the laws specifically guarantee them due to many factors.

Therefore, law reform in the basin must be complemented with the adoption of targeted interventions aimed at correcting gender inequalities and equalising opportunities for women and men. A real and critical challenge remains, in that even where laws providing for gender equality have been put in place, mechanisms for enforcement of these laws are either weak or non-existent.

Although countries in the basin have a number of policies that, directly and indirectly, protect the environment, not many of these incorporate gender. Many of the policies tend to be blind to the fact that women relate to the environment differently from men.

Women remain largely absent at all levels of policy formulation and decision-making in natural resource and environmental management, conservation, protection and rehabilitation. Their experience and skills in advocacy for and monitoring of proper natural resource management too often remain marginalised in policy-making and decision-making bodies as well as in educational institutions and environment-related agencies at the management level.

Gender specific research

Information on the extent and severity of the various environmental problems in the Zambezi Basin and their impact on women as compared to men is very scanty. This is due to lack of gender specific research in the basin. There is need for more data and indicators to highlight the important gender disparities in the Zambezi Basin, which may help address the current deficiences. Understanding gender issues is a logical part of the resource-sensitive approach to development. Therefore, gender differences and inequalities must be taken into account if development interventions are to be effective in serving the needs of women as well as men, now and into the future.

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